The immediate and long-term consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic on education in Portugal: An empirical exploration

The purpose of this article is to analyze how the Covid-19 pandemic contributed to the increase in the number of people in situations of vulnerability and, consequently, to the increase of social and economic inequalities that, historically, have thriven in Brazil. Therefore, it starts with an analytical reconstruction of the concepts of necropolitics and democratic legitimacy, proposed by Achille Mbembe and Pierre Rosanvallon, respectively. Thus, it seeks to show, preliminarily, how public policies and government management during the crisis contributed to the worsening of the post-pandemic chaotic scenario, with the resulting ratification and, even, resurgence of the invisibility of vulnerable groups, through the implementation of increasingly indifferent policies and, in some cases, refractory to the desires and needs of these groups, which will be considered mainly from the perspective of Achille Mbembe's necropolitics. Then, within the scope of this analysis, the forms of legitimacy (impartiality, proximity and reflexivity). Through this sophisticated conception of the democratic experience, viewed as irreducible to its electoral dimension (delegation democracy), an attempt will be made to explain the extent to which the increased vulnerability of various social groups in the context of the pandemic can be considered as an expression of greater democratic deficit in Brazil. © 2023: Author(s).

Who works on the ‘frontline'? Comparing constructions of ‘frontline' work before and during the COVID-19 pandemic

This article provides a comparative analysis of how frontline workers were constructed by the UK media prior to and during the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK. Both the News on the Web Corpus and the Coronavirus Corpus, as monitor corpora of web-based new articles, were utilised to identify changes in both the frequency and use of the word front*line from 2010 to 2021. Findings show that, following the outbreak of COVID-19, constructions of frontline work were more frequently associated with medical professions and became more figurative in nature. Our findings provide a counterpoint to claims that the COVID-19 pandemic led to an increased awareness of the critical nature of many types of ‘low-skilled' work not previously recognised as essential. The study also extends previous research which has traced changes in language and its deployment during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Crisis politics of dehumanisation during COVID-19: A framework for mapping the social processes through which dehumanisation undermines human dignity

The COVID-19 global pandemic is understood to be a multidimensional crisis, and yet undertheorised is how it reinforced the politics of dehumanisation. This article proposes an original framework that explains how dehumanisation undermines the human dignity of individuals with minoritised socio-economic identities during the COVID-19 pandemic. The framework identifies four interrelated mechanisms of crisis-driven dehumanisation: threat construction, expanded state coercion, reinforcement of hierarchies, and normalisation of deaths. The article argues that an understanding of these mechanisms is crucial for capturing the complexity of human rights deterioration during the COVID-19 pandemic. The article uses the plausibility probe method to demonstrate macro-processes of dehumanisation, with illustrative empirical examples from diverse societies during COVID-19. It proposes a framework for understanding these dehumanisation processes that can apply to other transnational crises. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of British Journal of Politics & International Relations is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Donald Trump, dominating masculine necropolitics, and COVID-19

This article discusses US president, Donald J. Trump and what the author labels his "dominating masculine necropolitics". Dominating masculinity involves commanding and controlling specific interactions, and exercising power and control over people and events-"calling the shots" and "running the show". Differing from hegemonic masculinities, dominating masculinities do not necessarily legitimate a hierarchical relationship between men and women, masculinity and femininity, and among masculinities. In that sense, then, dominating masculinities are often, but not always, analytically distinct from hegemonic masculinities. Trump's specific form of dominating masculinity involved commanding and controlling specific interactions, and exercising power and control over people and events;he called the shots and ran the show, demanded strict obedience to his authority, and displayed a lack of concern for the opinions of others. Throughout Trump's presidency, this dominating masculinity centered on several critical features, which were emphasized or de-emphasized depending upon the context. The arrival and spread of Covid-19 around the world provided a new and dangerous context within which Trump's dominating masculinity has been increasingly constructed through novel necropolitical practices. Although Trump's medical experts continued to advocate for mitigation in order to minimize the spread of the virus, Trump unwaveringly stayed on message by continually downplaying the danger of the virus. Trump's dominating masculine necropolitics especially involved flouting guidelines for mask wearing. The culprit for the staggering spread of Covid-19 and premature death within the United States is Trump and his dominating masculine necropolitical discourse and practice. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

Vulnerability and Democracy: social vulnerability as a factor in increasing the democratic deficit in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic in Brazil

The purpose of this article is to analyze how the Covid-19 pandemic contributed to the increase in the number of people in situations of vulnerability and, consequently, to the increase of social and economic inequalities that, historically, have thriven in Brazil. Therefore, it starts with an analytical reconstruction of the concepts of necropolitics and democratic legitimacy, proposed by Achille Mbembe and Pierre Rosanvallon, respectively. Thus, it seeks to show, preliminarily, how public policies and government management during the crisis contributed to the worsening of the post-pandemic chaotic scenario, with the resulting ratification and, even, resurgence of the invisibility of vulnerable groups, through the implementation of increasingly indifferent policies and, in some cases, refractory to the desires and needs of these groups, which will be considered mainly from the perspective of Achille Mbembe's necropolitics. Then, within the scope of this analysis, the forms of legitimacy (impartiality, proximity and reflexivity). Through this sophisticated conception of the democratic experience, viewed as irreducible to its electoral dimension (delegation democracy), an attempt will be made to explain the extent to which the increased vulnerability of various social groups in the context of the pandemic can be considered as an expression of greater democratic deficit in Brazil. © 2023: Author(s).

The meatpacking industry's corporate exceptionalism: racialized logics of food chain worker disposability during the COVID-19 crisis

Building on theories of biopower and necropolitics, we detail how the meatpacking industry expanded corporate exceptionalism amidst the U.S. COVID-19 pandemic. Our analysis argues that the industry utilized three strategies to assert exceptionalism and secure increased production and profitability despite significant risks for meatpacking workers. First, the industry constructed COVID-19 as an urgent threat to the nation's meat supply, casting themselves as a critical economic linchpin. Second, the industry aligned themselves with heroic portrayals of meatpacking workers, deflecting criticism of their handling of the crisis. Third, the industry promoted images of themselves as competent stewards, meriting unfettered autonomy to manage workers' health risks. Detailing these strategies sheds light on how corporate exceptionalism functions within late capitalist food systems to further racialized logics of worker disposability. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Food, Culture & Society is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Necropolítica e governo Jair Bolsonaro: repercussões na seguridade social brasileira

Este artigo busca problematizar o avanço do modelo ultraneoliberal presente no governo Bolsonaro e seus impactos na política de seguridade social brasileira, enquanto política pública e como tal, dever do Estado. O avanço das contrarreformas reacionárias destrói os sustentáculos essenciais da política de seguridade social: a saúde, previdência e assistência social. A metodologia escolhida consiste na pesquisa bibliográfica a partir de produções científicas publicadas em artigos e livros, como também, jornais e revistas sobre a temática. A agenda ultraneoliberal impõe uma perseguição sem precedentes aos direitos historicamente conquistados. Em tempos de pandemia pela Covid-19, as contradições da política de negação de direitos se evidenciam. O bolsonarismo tem implementado como política oficial a necropolítica, que advém de um domínio autoritário de definir quem deve morrer e quem merece viver, aprofundando ainda mais a barbárie social contra a classe trabalhadora.Alternate :This article seeks to problematize the advancement of the ultraneoliberal model present in the Bolsonaro government and its impacts on the Brazilian social security policy, as a public policy and as such, the duty of the State. The advance of reactionary counter-reforms destroys the essential pillars of the social security policy: health, social security and social assistance. The chosen methodology consists of bibliographic research based on scientific productions published in articles and books, as well as newspapers and magazines on the subject. The ultraneoliberal agenda imposes an unprecedented pursuit of the rights historically won. In pandemic times for Covid-19, the contradictions of the denial of rights policy are evident. Bolsonarism has implemented necropolitics as an official policy, which comes from an authoritarian domain of defining who should die and who deserves to live, further deepening the social barbarism against the working class.

COVID19 in Latin America: informal settlements and the politics of urbicide.

Informal settlements in Latin America express pandemic idiosyncrasies, calling global attention to historical problems related to a specific urbanization pattern. This article stresses COVID19 implications in the main urban planning canon: the notion of densification as an urban solution. Traditionally invisible social groups and territories acquire relevance, but now as a source of biological risk. Urban density appears as a contradictory trigger point, outlining new debates about informal settlements and their metrics. Evidence shows that trends in health discourse are striving to legitimize and enhance "urbicides" in this scenario, already underway through State action or inaction.

Visualising "the vulnerable":Understanding vulnerability to COVID-19 in relation to the South African COVID-19 Vulnerability Index (SA CVI)

This study investigates the definition of "vulnerability" in the visualisation and underpinning index of Stats SA's South African COVID-19 Vulnerability Index (SA CVI)'s data visualisation dashboard. The paper establishes definitions of vulnerability in relation to literature before COVID-19, research in the time of the pandemic, and in relation to data visualisation. The discussion finds that while the pandemic is widely perceived as a "health crisis," South African vulnerability to this pandemic is mostly constituted by factors that fall outside of normative "health" concerns - beyond "straightforward" medical, biological and epidemiological factors. Instead, South African vulnerability to COVID-19, and the "health" of its citizens in this context, are largely to be understood as systemic, socio-economic, and necropolitical conditions. It is found that these conditions have not been generated by the pandemic but have rather been exposed by it.

Between Genocide and Necropolitics: The Struggle for Life of Indigenous People and Mining in the Amazon Facing the Covid-19 Pandemic

This article presents the analysis of the strategies of indigenous peoples to denou-nce the violation of rights and the threat to the lives of indigenous peoples, particu-larly with the advance and impacts of mi-ning on indigenous lands during the Co-vid-19 pandemic period. Mining in indi-genous lands has already been widely de-bated and denounced due to its social and environmental impacts, among others, and the situation was aggravated during the pandemic caused by the dissemination of the new coronavirus, in addition to the classification of mining activity as an es-sential activity, intensifying conflicts en-vironmental issues in the Amazon. For this discussion, data will be presented from documents, reports, campaigns, pre-pared by representative organizations of indigenous peoples in the defense of life and their territories against the institutio-nal offensive of the government in protec-ting the rights of indigenous peoples in Brazil pointed out in this work as necropo-litics. This analysis will be carried out from the decolonial perspective, unders-tanding that such offensive is located in what has been called necropolitics, which points to the role of native peoples in the capitalist economy and the economic im-portance of mining as a counterpoint to the repertoire triggered by indigenous pe-oples in defense of life and its territories.

The Negacionismo of Brazilian Government before the Covid- 19 Pandemic Based on the Works of Michael Focault

This study will address discussions about the government of Bolsonaro in order to contribute to debates and reflections on issues involving the order of discourse and the archeology of knowledge from the perspective of Foucault, considering these as thought triggers that operate during the (dis)government policy. The objective of this study is to reflect on the current Brazilian government from the Foucauldian theory, under the negationist and necropolitics aspect that was accentuated in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. This is a theoretical essay, based on works by Michel Foucault that discuss relevant aspects in their studies on how to think about contemporary reality, the relationship between discourse, ethics and politics from a critical perspective. Thus, with this study it was identified that the existence of the SUS greatly implies in the crossings of the fight against social inequalities and, mainly, in the defense of life and health in the face of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Governed bodies, discarded bodies: Notes for an analysis of contemporary migrations during Covid-19

This article presents the results of an ethnographic research conducted in the northern border of Mexico from 2019 to 2021, specifically in the city of Tijuana. The objective of this article is to analyse the role of bodies in border and migration management with special emphasis on the time of the Covid-19 pandemic. To do so, I focus on three situations. First is the case of migrants whose bodies are exploited in the precarious work opportunities they find along Mexico's northern border. Second, I look at migrants who experience detention and confinement in Customs and Border Protection (CBP) detention centres in the United States. And third, I analyse the situation of missing migrants whose bodies are sought by family members and numerous collectives in Mexico. Through the analysis of these situations, the article demonstrates that by using ‘bodies' as a productive category for analysing migration and the containment of migratory movements, we can understand both the resulting negative effects on migrants' subjectivity and bodies and how migrants respond to and challenge the global migration system. © The Author(s) 2023.

Overcoming the Socioeconomic Impacts of the Coronavirus Pandemic: Social Work Perspectives and Postcolonial Reflections from Ethiopia

The coronavirus pandemic is the most challenging health emergency in generations, as it has already impacted on the capacities of health infrastructures and is dramatically affecting the local and global economy. Since the global spread of the pandemic, the importance of social distancing as well as the hygiene measures for self-protection and protection of other persons has been enforced, to reduce the rapid spread of the coronavirus. However, these ever-more restrictive protection measures are often not feasible for many, especially marginalized and subaltern groups in the Global South, as state-funded social security systems are very limited there. Therefore, it is not surprising that these developments pose a huge socioeconomic threat as well as potential for social and political unrest, especially to those communities living in already politically fragile and precarious situations in countries such as Ethiopia. Developing Santos's understanding of social work epistemologies of the South' and based on a small-scale explorative qualitative study in cooperation with Addis Ababa University, this chapter highlights the impact of historical postcolonial inequalities as well as contemporary political conflicts on the agency of Ethiopian Social and Community Workers as well as their perspectives regarding the multiple crises they confront. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022.

The necropolitical spectrum: Political lives of the surplus dead

This article sets forth a theoretical framework that first argues that necropolitical power and sovereignty should be understood as existing on a spectrum that ultimately produces the phenomenon of surplus death – such as pandemic deaths or those disappeared by the state. We then expound this framework by juxtaposing the necropolitical negligence of the COVID-19 pandemic with the violence of forced disappearances to argue that the surplus dead have the unique capacity to create political change and reckonings, due to their embodied power and agency. Victims of political killings and disappearance may not seem to have much in common with victims of disease, yet focusing on the mistreatment of the dead in both instances reveals uncanny patterns and similarities. We demonstrate that this overlap, which aligns in key ways that are particularly open to use by social actors, provides an entry to comprehend the agency of the dead to incite political reckonings with the violence of state action and inaction.

THE URBAN REDENSIFICATION OF MEXICO CITY AND COVID 19

Public policies such as urban redensification, rather than mere technical interventions addressing concrete problems, work as a power mechanism. Analyzing the visibility of the politics of life - biopolitics - and of death - necropolitics - in Mexico City derived from the COVID-19 pandemic will allow an understanding of this. In addition, it will allow revealing the paradox that the same policy, redensification, is a failure as a public policy and, simultaneously, a success as a policy of life and death. Starting from sociology and based on a genealogical methodology, data on the effects of urban redensification and the pandemic in Mexico City were analyzed, to subsequently intertwine them and recognize a relationship between them. Special attention was paid to the period of non-compulsory confinement and two neighboring districts of Mexico City: Iztapalapa and Benito Juárez. Thus recognizing a class configuration of space linked to urban design that influenced the localized consequences of the pandemic. © 2023 Azarbaijan Shahid Madani University.

"No one dies on the eve”: feel-thinking knowledges and doings in confinement times

The present work was woven amidst the COVID-19 pandemic and is part of the walk that was possible for me outside the confinement provoked by the mobility restrictions imposed by the virus. The high lethality of the virus and its reflection on the invisibilized populations, have potentiated the historical impacts of pandemic racism which is institutionalized in the Ecuadorian state. For several centuries the state has been absent (and perhaps remains absent), in many corners of the country. This is particularly true in the Valle del Chota, located in the ancestral Afro-Ecuadorian territory in the provinces of Imbabura and Carchi. Through a brief ethnographic fieldwork, I gathered some of the experiences in Afro-Ecuadorian communities that, along with their philosophical, cosmogonic, and woven knowledge, have sustained Afro-Ecuadorian lives in the face of continuous and historical neglect. Building upon testimonies I propose a concept that I call pedagogies of existence. These are pedagogies based on community practices and values that are lodged in people's memory which have been instruments to face the non-ethics of death or state-embraced necropolitics. During the pandemic the relationship with death has gained other nuances within the communities, to which the "prodigal children” have returned in a reverse flow, from the cities to the rural areas, responding to a need for rehumanization and return-to-being. © 2023 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

A different kind of branding: Bolsonaro's handling of the Covid-19 pandemic and a brand-new Brazil

This article argues that Jair Bolsonaro's handling of Covid-19 in Brazil was consistent with his ‘different kind of branding.' Contrary to the expectations of marketing experts and place branding scholars, Bolsonaro's branding tactics were predicated not on por-traying Brazil positively to commoditize it to (trans)national audiences but on produc-ing the image of Brazil as a white conservative Christian country through maintaining epistemic and informational crises, delegitimizing expert systems, and engaging in nec-ropolitical calculation. Methodologically, to describe the ‘brand-new' Brazil projected in Bolsonaro's presidency (2019–2022), I build three case studies centering on the boycott of Covid-19 vaccines, his strategy of letting the virus spread freely in favor of a supposed herd immunity, and the ‘shadow board' that helped him build a necropolitical strategy. I suggest that Bolsonaro's ‘chaotic' branding project harnessed features of currently exist-ing neoliberalism, including informational entropy, the digital production of ‘alternative facts', entrepreneurial ethos, the delegitimization of expert systems, and the association between free market and political conservatism. © 2023, EQUINOX PUBLISHING.

Necropolitics as accumulation: Enforcement and enclosure in Brisbane during COVID-19.

This article explores the uneven impacts that Indigenous and detained migrant populations have endured in Australia in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Australia has one of the most restrictive immigration enforcement systems in the world. Along with imposing practices of mandatory detention in rural and remote regions, the Australian government finances the carceral systems of nearby countries and island nations. These logics of enforcement are embedded within histories and techniques of Indigenous quarantine, incarceration, and colonial erasure. Following Achille Mbembe (2019), I advance a theoretical framework of 'necropolitics as accumulation.' I argue that rather than disposable or 'wasted' populations, those subject to slow violence are within heightened circuits of accumulation. I draw on long-term ethnographic research in Brisbane to emphasize the intensification of governing measures that not only inflict slow death but also make a profit from capitalizing on it. People are kept alive through precarious visa statuses and in prisons, detention centers, camps, remote communities, reserves, and other institutional facilities in relation to their utility for capital, even as death in such spaces is inescapable. In focusing on racial capitalism, I center the differential experiences of Black, Brown, and Indigenous people from COVID-19 in long-standing histories of capitalist exploitation. By attending to the cross-cutting ways in which people are prevented from participating in society, made plain in the pandemic, I call for intersectional advocacy that works towards collective flourishing.

Covid, schooling and race in England: a case of necropolitics

In this paper, I focus on the UK government's Covid-19 pandemic response to schooling in England with regards to the impact on race inequality, an area which has received comparatively little attention. I review the existing research, drawing on work by academics, think tanks, lobbying organisations and media reports, conducted between spring 2020 and autumn 2021, and argue that this evidence suggests that the UK government's pandemic response firstly has increased existing racial disadvantage for Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) pupils in education, and secondly, it has potentially increased the exposure of BAME households to illness and death. I further argue that not only can education policy in response to Covid be considered to be an example of white supremacy, but it is an example of necropolitics, defined as ‘the power and the capacity [of the state] to dictate who may live and who must die' (Mbembe 2013, 161). I conclude by making some recommendations for wide-reaching social and educational change. © 2022 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.

Necropolitics and the Covid-19 pandemic: evictions and removals that mark the recurrent housing problem in Brazil

This work aims to reflect on the impacts of COVID-19, a disease responsible for the pandemic worldwide status in 2020, on urban housing policies in Brazil, which has faced structural problems since the turn of the century. These problems were accentuated and evidenced with the onset of the pandemic. The paper sought to highlight the dismantling scenario and the setbacks of human rights that are expressed in the manner in which the federal government behaves in the face of the collapse caused by the health crisis. In addition to highlighting that, the housing problem has been sewn with patches that are not effective to supply the gigantic demand for housing in the country currently, besides they do not guarantee the security of tenure to the majority of families in socioeconomic vulnerability. In this context, the focus of the discussion is on the removals and evictions that have occurred during the pandemic, putting at risk an entire population historically neglected by the neoliberal policies of capitalism. Moreover, these policies have been accentuated as a reflection of the recent democratic inflection in the country, which has strongly threatened human and social rights, legitimized by necropolitics, during the pandemic (Mbembe, 2018). The text is presented as a theoretical study carried through an exploratory methodological structure, based on a bibliographic review and documentary analysis of the subject matter. This article does not intend to bring conclusions or final answers, but to present new elements for the debate on the dismantling of Brazilian housing policies, evidenced in the current scenario through the lack of access to decent housing or difficulty in keeping it, mainly for the lowest-income populations. © 2023, Eduem - Editora da Universidade Estadual de Maringa. All rights reserved.